If George Orwell were still alive and had read Anatole Kaletsky’s op-ed in The Times, he might be tempted to revise 1984. To “War Is Peace, Freedom Is Slavery, Ignorance Is Strength,” he could add “Defeat Is Victory.”

The international community, says Kaletsky, is now “totally powerless in its nuclear confrontation with Iran.” Sanctions—most notably those aimed at curbing investment in its oil industry—would make matters worse. Lower Iranian oil production would fuel another surge in oil’s price. If Iran were to react by blocking the Strait of Hormuz, the price of oil would go through the roof. Sanctions, then, “would provide President Ahmadinejad with even more money to buy popularity among his domestic voters, and unleash an even greater torrent of oil money to finance Hezbollah terrorists in Lebanon and anti- American Shia in Iraq.”

As to threatening military action, Kaletsky’s advice is to forget about it:

Militarily, America and Israel have now shot their bolts in Iraq and Lebanon respectively. They have neither the firepower nor the willpower to do anything to stop Iran’s nuclear programme — and even if they did have the capacity to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities, they could not afford the risk of destabilising their other Middle Eastern interests even further by taking military action.

Using force would also cause “potentially catastrophic disruption to the world economy when the American public is already turning against the Iraq adventure and Republicans face a potentially disastrous electoral defeat.”

If neither sanctions nor military action are viable, what is to be done?

The answer is clear: concede defeat. Iran has won this tussle and there is no point in pretending otherwise. Instead of trying to stop Iran’s nuclear programme, the international community must bring Iran back into the civilised world. The only way to do that is to stop issuing empty threats and to start offering Iran real incentives for co-operative behaviour — non-aggression guarantees from America and Israel, removal of the residual US economic sanctions dating back to the 1980s and the prospect of steadily improving treatment in investment and trade.

In other words, promise lots of carrots, let Iran have the Bomb, and trust that, in return for the carrots and the Bomb, Iran will stop supporting terrorism and won’t brandish their nukes.

Most amazingly, this outcome doesn’t really concern Kaletsky, who avers that

Defeat is never pleasant, but often it is better to lose than to win. Defeat in the Second World War was the best thing that ever happened to Germany and Japan in their thousand years of recorded history.

Similar thoughts were in Neville Chamberlain’s mind when he returned from the Munich Conference and announced “Peace in Our Time.” Appeasement didn’t cure Nazi Germany’s ideological illness. It won’t cure Iran’s, either.

If the U.S. appeases Shi’a Iran, would Sunni Egypt and Sunni Saudi Arabia be confident that Washington would rush to their aid if they were threatened by the nuclear mullahs? The pressures on Cairo and Riyahd to acquire their own nukes would be immense.  Just imagine an eyeball-to-eyeball nuclear confrontation between Sunnis and Shi’as.
Denying nuclear weapons to Iran will come at a price. But that price will be smaller than the one that will someday be paid if Kaletsky’s advice is taken. Just ask Neville Chamberlain, who lived long enough to see his dream of peace shattered.