Glenn Greenwald’s Unclaimed Territory is a widely-read blog. According to the truth laid bear, it has recently received more than 6,000 hits per day, making it the 132nd most-visited blog.

Yesterday, Greenwald opined that

Anything other than the most reverent and restrained criticism of George Bush is strongly condemned by the establishment media, and yet the most extreme types of accusations (treason, working with Osama, etc.) are endorsed and therefore prevalent against the President’s opponents.

    UPDATE. Greenwald repeats this assertion in a new post on l’affaire Chris Matthews at Crooks and Liars:

    The anger over Chris Matthews’ comment that Osama bin Laden in his new video sounds like Michael Moore, and the resulting campaign demanding that Matthews apologize, arises from much more than a single comment, and has little to do with Moore himself. The Matthews smear illustrates the fact that it has become routine in our national political dialogue, and among our nation’s journalists, to equate opposition to George Bush with subversiveness, treason, and support for Al Qaeda.

    The national media has truly adopted this dissent-quashing dichotomy created by the Bush White House: one is either a follower of George Bush who praises his war and terrorism policies, or one is an enemy of the United States who is on the side of Al Qaeda. That is not hyperbole. This is the manipulative and decidedly un-American view that is re-enforced again and again.

    END UPDATE.

I can’t figure out where Mr. Greenwald is coming from. While the reputation of the New York Times has been slipping, few would deny that it remains at or near the apex of the establishment media. The criticisms of Bush in three of its recent editorials (see below) are anything but “reverent and restrained,” at least in my book. What I can’t find in the Times are any endorsements of “the most extreme types of accusations” against Bush’s opponents.

Mr. Greenwald and I don’t share the same political philosophy. However, with regard to the issue at hand, that shouldn’t matter. I presume that he reads the New York Times. If he does, the only way I can comprehend his accusation is to make the assumption that his definition of “reverent and restrained” differs from mine. And, if that is the case, it would seem that anything less than invectives wouldn’t satisfy him.

Here are excerpts from three recent editorials by the Times. To me, they are sharply critical of Bush. To Mr. Greenwald, they evidently are not. You be the judge.

December 18, 2005:

    Mr. Bush secretly decided that he was going to allow the agency to spy on American citizens without obtaining a warrant – just as he had earlier decided to scrap the Geneva Conventions, American law and Army regulations when it came to handling prisoners in the war on terror . . . we have learned the hard way that Mr. Bush’s team cannot be trusted to find the boundaries of the law, much less respect them.

January 4, 2006

    When the government does not want the public to know what it is doing, it often cites national security as the reason for secrecy. The nation’s safety is obviously a most serious issue, but that very fact has caused this administration and many others to use it as a catchall for any matter it wants to keep secret, even if the underlying reason for the secrecy is to prevent embarrassment to the White House. The White House has yet to show that national security was harmed by the report on electronic spying, which did not reveal the existence of such surveillance – only how it was being done in a way that seems outside the law . . . Illegal spying and torture need to be investigated, not whistle-blowers and newspapers.

January 18, 2006

    In times of extreme fear, American leaders have sometimes scrapped civil liberties in the name of civil protection. It’s only later that the country can see that the choice was a false one and that citizens’ rights were sacrificed to carry out extreme measures that were at best useless and at worst counterproductive . . . it’s hard to think of a more graphic example than President Bush’s secret program of spying on Americans. The White House has offered steadily weaker arguments to defend the decision to eavesdrop on Americans’ telephone calls and e-mail without getting warrants.